By Indra Bhatt

The veteran of Bengal’s politics is dead. Jyoti Basu will be remembered as an exceptional politician, a pioneer who organised like-minded people to set a series of successful governments and a leader par excellence. He guided his party to the limelight of Indian political scenario. He will also be remembered as one who is squarely responsible for whatever West Bengal is today - good, bad or ugly. With him goes the main structure that holds the Left Front together. He was the last leader from Bengal who called the shots even when away from active politics.

Comparing Jyoti Babu, as he is fondly remembered, to other chief ministers in Bengal will not be fair, at least at this juncture. He was remarkably different from all his predecessors. All of them, except Bidhan Roy, depended greatly on the Centre for all matters of the state. Basu was the first to break away. He realised that the strength of the state’s communist drive should be based on non-dependence on the Centre and in drawing masses into politics right from village levels. People from all works of life were encouraged to depend on the party for existence. It also made sure that no other party could get a foothold in the state. Agriculture was advanced to feed millions, while factories were shut as they were considered to be symbols of capitalism. The only exception was the jute mills where the party had a stronghold through its unions.

By the time he was sworn in as chief minister in 1977, Basu was already a seasoned hand having served a term as deputy CM in Ajay Mukherjee’s cabinet. But the state was politically confused and directionless. It had two wars on its border and a Naxal uprising from north. Basu’s prescription of land reforms and the implementation of panchayati raj were apt. It also set up a state within a state, an exercise aimed at strengthening his party.

The politics of opposition to the Centre (read the Gandhis’ rule) was propagated and preached by him to great success. This, he realised, was paramount for his and the party’s survival in politics. His sole agenda was to make Bengal a lasting bastion for CPM, powerful enough for the Centre to recognise its muscle power, either in support or in opposition. What he taught was to have a well-disciplined sangathan that he ruthlessly carried out through a trusted ally, Subhas Chakraborty.

Basu ruled long enough and could have changed the state’s future perhaps to the liking of its masses and its intelligentsia. His policies alienate the state from the Centre’s grace and thus from all industrial development. Corporate, business houses and multinational companies moved away blaming poor infrastructure and a militant work culture. West Bengal earned a poor name – a state where nothing works.

Yet, this was necessary as it fortified the state against the uncertainties faced at the Centre. It brought the masses under one banner, the hammer and sickle. It provided political stability and brought forth an educated junta who looked for avenues other than the traditional farming.

Basu ruled his state, his party and his allies. Strong willed and clever in thoughts, his was the last word at all levels. Disputes were settled by dictates, even between the Left Front and its allies. Actually, none in his ministry had courage enough to speak up to him. Once when Budhadeb Bhattacharya, the present CM, resigned over a trivial issue of an apology, Basu not only made him stay back, but also withdraw the news from press.

A general of an army, he had his band of majors - all very loyal and intelligent enough to follow his thought process. Yet, he chose Buddhadev as his deputy since Chakraborty was loyal only to him and also ailing, while Asim Das Gupta fumbled quite an often on handling the state’s finance budget. Buddhadev was by far the most non-controversial. Others were comrades not close enough.

This done, in the last eight years of this life, he led his skills to establish communists’ influence as a national party strong enough to contend the prime minister’s chair. Political cleverness was exceptional for it was he who propagated the theory of “support from outside” to the ruling party at the Centre. Despite this, he opposed the withdrawal of support to the Central government. He also realised that it was a wrong move not to form a coalition government at the Centre with him as its prime minister. No one would have questioned him then either. However, he decided not to overstep the party’s decision not to be in power at the Centre. Not that he craved for the post. What Basu wanted was stability – as in his state and not project his party as an instrument to “topple” governments, diametrically opposite to the thoughts of the politburo.

None questioned him when the Left Front opposed industrialisation and even did away with English in primary schools. These disastrous moves cost West Bengal and its forthcoming generations very dear. It produced a massive labour and middle class that were redeployed as cheap skill in agriculture, middle and lower administration and in party levels. However, it was also at Basu’s behest that a set of young bureaucrats were taken in to run the show. They had a good command over English and were bred as good thinkers and decision makers. They run the show today.

Education thrived in the state producing quality manpower. It also changed minds within party workers and the masses in general. But there was no opportunity to provide. Basu did realise this almost as the rebellion started to brew. What is astounding is the U-turn in CPM’s philosophy and manner in which it was sent across. At a meeting in the Bengal Chamber of Commerce with industry heads in the mid-90s, Basu and Buddhadev were caught discomforted with the negative approach of the government towards industries. Two days of bandh had preceded the meeting in which money and productivity were lost. “Come back!” he called out to industrialists, assuring a sympathetic approach. This set the ball rolling towards industrialisation, and is the Left Front’s main agenda today.

Basu admitted that it was a mistake to oppose industries in the state in the initial years of rule. He was also apprehensive that this would ultimately turn the tide against CPM. Today, more than 10 years later, nothing has happened though. Apart from having Haldia Petro Chem and losing out Nano, we still wait for a miracle to happen.

Can Jyoti Babu be squarely blamed for the present state of affairs in West Bengal?

The answer is yes and no.

Yes, to the extent that CPM shut West Bengal off to the rest of the country. Growth was hampered. There was a flight of brain and capital. Agricultural productivity was lost lacking technological advancements and marginal farming. In all counts, West Bengal is a backward state today.

No, as the party could not find a suitable leader to take on from him. The charisma of Basu was overwhelming and there is a wide gap between him and the second line of operation. There is none to hold warring factions within the Front and run the political machinery that is now developing cracks. No one in the state today believes that Front leadership can bring in industries, jobs and prosperity. Whatever is happening to West Bengal today is the natural fallout of developments all over India.

In short, in Jyoti Babu’s death, the Front has become fatherless. Even when he was old and ailing, he advised and opined on developments – mostly in bits of personal observations, but they were well heeded.

Gone with him is the backbone that held the Left Front up and together.

Indiabiznews, January 25, 2010